She won 36 of her 59 starts with 18 minor placings. Ajax retired with 36 wins from 46 starts - 17 of those victories were in races which today carry Group One status. That defeat was one of only two in his start career which ended prematurely just two starts into his four-year-old campaign. After 17 wins on the trot in New Zealand, Mainbrace suffered cramps in a hind leg while being prepared for the Foxbridge Plate.
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The article begins with a discussion of labour intellectuals as knowledge producers in labour institutions, and of the labour public in which this distinctive kind of intellectual emerges, drawing on our previously published work. Next we In a case study comparing the s and s we demonstrate how successive generations of labour intellectuals combined elements of these ideal types in different ways to develop traditions of intellectual work.
The article concludes with a sketch of the labour public after the crisis of the s. More Info: The digital file is the version sent to the editors of the journal. View on journals.
Between those two dates he searched for a political practice that was revolutionary and liberal, practical and intellectual Between those two dates he searched for a political practice that was revolutionary and liberal, practical and intellectual. His defection from Communism was inevitable once it became institutionalised and dogmatic, which is to say almost from the moment of his joining. This article follows the process of his defection, from doubt to disenchantment to apostasy. It concentrates on his experience of crises in his political practice expressed particularly through his personal relations with his comrades and his role as an intellectual.
More Info: The digital file is the version sent to the editor of the journal. Why did a generation of young men and women from privileged backgrounds, or trained in universities for privileged lives, became labour intellectuals in the first part of the twentieth century? Using a biographical approach I intend to Using a biographical approach I intend to discuss two Australian men from the same generation but from different class backgrounds.
I will focus on the way labour intellectuals could draw on two modernist traditions of intellectual life - the dissenting and movement traditions — in order to understand and critique their relation to modernity.
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View on workinglives. First, the visionary dimension: industrial democracy is associated with idealism, First, the visionary dimension: industrial democracy is associated with idealism, with a desire to increase autonomy and responsibility among workers. Second, the pragmatic or constructive dimension: industrial democracy is associated with moving beyond defensive tactics in this period, arbitration and direct action to look for new organising techniques and institutional forms for unions in the workplaces. The key to success seems to be finding the right balance between the two.
Today, the real challenge is to how to revive an interest in the former, in democracy, because the mechanics of consultation and participation are well founded in the literature of industrial relations. More Info: The digital file is the version sent to the editor of the website. Publication Date: Publication Name: worksite. View on econ.
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Scalmer more. In the s, labor and social democratic parties in the industrialized world entered a decisive moment of modernization. The practices of collective decision-making, which had made these parties the historic expression of working-class The practices of collective decision-making, which had made these parties the historic expression of working-class interests, were renovated, and they became more centralized, expert, and parliamentarist. Moreover they endorse the self-image of the modernizers as democrats and realists. We contest this view of what happened in the 60s by looking at the transformation of the Australian Labor Party.
While not denying the force of environmental factors we argue that the changing shape of the public sphere was crucial to the process of party change. We argue that the transformation of Labor was neither inevitable nor necessary. It involved a series of struggles in which the modernizers gained access to new political resources and constructed a symbiotic relationship with the dynamic new media of post-war Australia. More Info: This is the digital file sent to the editors of the journal.
During the period of study, this union developed independence from the political parties of the labour movement, a large research department, educative and publicity apparatus, and a vibrant shop steward movement. For those who argued for a modern political union, staffed by labour experts, the AMWU was, therefore, the paradigmatic case. Understanding the rise of the modern labour technocrat in the AMWU — the tensions between expert and union member, the forms of interaction, and the forces that reshaped that interaction, therefore illuminates a fundamental transformation in the history of the labour intellectual.
It also opens a window on the transformation of the union movement itself over a period of quite pivotal change in Australian labour history. More Info: This is the digital file sent to the editor of the journal. Labour Intellectuals are knowledge producers in labour institutions. The liberal conception of the 'free-floating' intellectual has limited utility for understanding labour intellectuals. The idea of the labour intellectual directs our The idea of the labour intellectual directs our attention to the complex and changing relationships between intellectuals, classes and labour movement institutions, and the place of these institutions in broader society.
This article reviews the contributions of Antonio Gramsci, Jurgen Habermas and his critics, and Ron Eyerman, to the concept of the labour intellectual. Gramsci directs us to the possibility that all have the capacity to be labour intellectuals. Learning from Habermas, we trace intellectuals back to the sites in which they produce ideas and discourse.
Agreeing with the critics of Habermas, we see those sites as multiple publics.
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From Eyerman we take the idea of labour intellectuals as a plural historical category. The study of labour intellectuals has the potential to widen the scope of labour history. More Info: This is the digital file as sent to the editor of the journal, with small additional material to explain its origin and purpose.
This chapter from my book, 'The Southern Tree of Liberty', discusses three discourses by radical intellectuals responding to the deformed system of representation in New South Wales in the s - constitutional, civic and plebeian. Duncan as the voice of civic radicalism, and Edmund Mason and William Evers whose newspapers allowed the voice of plebeian radicalism to be heard.
More Info: The publisher has allowed one chapter to be presented here. Which Working Class? More Info: This is the draft before it was edited by Fitzpatrick and Rasmussen. More Info: This is the draft version. It discusses 'the labour precinct', a patterned and historically changing set of sites It discusses 'the labour precinct', a patterned and historically changing set of sites where labour organizing and education for citizenship occurs. It also defines the relationship between labour and industrial heritage. Publication Date: Industrial Heritage , Labour history , and Labour heritage.
Over the last nine decades or so, Australian labour historians have been involved in a massive, ongoing, fractious, collective intellectual project. Together, they have written the history of Australian labour institutions; the history of Together, they have written the history of Australian labour institutions; the history of class relations; the history of work; the history of community; the history of labour's political thought; the history of working-class culture; and the history of how class intersects with gender, race and sexuality. At various moments, the project has been criticised, defended, ironically eulogised, remade and recovered.
It has been attacked as politically-motivated; theoretically underdeveloped; communistic; nationalistic; masculinist; naive; overly critical; overly celebratory; old-fashioned and intellectually marginal. More Info: This file is the draft version.